By Dorcas Achi

Prof. Protus Nathan Uzorma, university don, veteran writer and renowned public affairs analyst, has eulogized legal luminary, Prof. Francis Dike, SAN, describing him as a distinguished scholar who has carved a niche for himself through an illustrious career and profound dedication to community service.

Prof. Francis Dike, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Professor of Law, former Attorney-General of Imo State and former Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), celebrated his 86th birthday with judges, legal luminaries and other dignitaries on September 17, 2026, at his palatial home in Owerri.

Speaking with newsmen at the birthday celebration of the octogenarian, Prof. Uzorma described Prof. Dike as a father figure and a colossus of intellect.

“He is like a father to me. As Chairman of the Orlu Council of Elders, he has unified Orlu people. He is an intellectual of copious magnitude, a walking encyclopedia, and a man who profoundly understands the distinction between knowledge and ignorance,” he said.

Prof. Uzorma noted that the celebrant has been a pivotal force in fostering unity across Orlu Zone and remains the driving force behind the cohesion of the various Orluzurumee groups.

“In him, I have seen a man who is priceless. Just as Aristotle mentored Alexander the Great and inspired him to great exploits, Prof. Dike has tutored many accomplished men. He is a source of inspiration,” he stated.

He concluded with a heartfelt prayer for longevity: “I beseech God to grant him more years with us, for we deeply love and cherish him.”

By: Harriet Ijeomah 

Non-profit organisations operating in Nigeria’s South-East have joined an ongoing national assessment aimed at determining how charities, civil society and development organisations could be vulnerable to terrorist financing and how such risks can be prevented without disrupting legitimate humanitarian work.

The consultation, held in Owerri on September 3, 2026, was organised by Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, in collaboration with Spaces for Change. It brought together Non-Profit Organisations (NPOs), government representatives and other stakeholders to gather evidence for Nigeria’s ongoing Terrorism Financing Risk Assessment of the NPO sector.

The assessment is part of Nigeria’s second national review of terrorism-financing risks within the sector, which commenced in March 2026. The exercise follows an earlier assessment conducted in 2021 and published in 2022, which examined the level of exposure of different categories of non-profit organisations to possible terrorist-financing abuse.

At the centre of the new exercise is the need to identify where genuine vulnerabilities exist. The assessment is expected to examine funding patterns, organisational structures, field operations, due-diligence procedures and existing safeguards. It will also document gaps that could allow criminals or terrorist actors to exploit an organisation, its resources or its operations.

The process is connected to Recommendation 8 of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the intergovernmental body that sets global standards for combating money laundering, terrorist financing and related financial crimes. The recommendation requires countries to identify the specific parts of their NPO sectors that are vulnerable to terrorist-financing abuse and apply targeted, proportionate measures to address those risks.

Speaking at the consultation, Victoria Ibezim-Ohaeri, Executive Director of Spaces for Change, said the exercise was not designed to create fear among non-profit organisations or portray them as sources of terrorism financing.

Rather, she said, the assessment would help organisations understand the risks around them and take appropriate steps to protect themselves.

“The essence of this programme is not to scare NPOs,” Mrs Ibezim-Ohaeri said. “It is to help us understand the terrorism-financing risk assessment process, the National Risk Assessment and the risks that may exist within the NPO sector.”

She said consultations were being conducted across the country because risks and operational realities differ from one region to another. Evidence gathered from organisations working in different locations, she explained, would help the country develop a more accurate picture of the sector.

Mrs Ibezim-Ohaeri warned that terrorist actors understand and can exploit institutional vulnerabilities. Such actors, she said, may create entities that appear legitimate or take advantage of weaknesses in genuine organisations to move funds, access resources or support terrorist activities.

The assessment team involves relevant government agencies and stakeholders, including the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Special Control Unit Against Money Laundering (SCUML), the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) and other institutions involved in Nigeria’s anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing framework.

Leading the assessment team, Korede Abdul-Aziz urged the participants to approach the exercise openly and share information about the realities of their organisations.

Shee said the process was designed to expose possible gaps before they could be exploited, stressing that ignorance of legal and regulatory obligations would not excuse an organisation from responsibility.

Participants discussed documented funding patterns, vulnerabilities and institutional safeguards. The session also examined current due-diligence practices, gaps in internal systems, risks associated with field operations and possible mitigation measures.

Fidelis Akpoagu, an Assistant Director at the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, urged NPOs to ensure that their organisations are properly registered and operate within the requirements of relevant regulatory authorities.

He also called for stronger coordination among NPOs, including the development of functional networks that could improve information sharing and help address cases of organisations or individuals misrepresenting themselves as legitimate development or humanitarian institutions.

Mr Akpoagu said the ministry was considering improved data systems for the sector, including an online database that could provide more reliable information about registered organisations, their areas of operation and thematic focus.

Such a system, he said, could support planning and coordination while helping funders and government institutions better understand the development landscape and identify areas where interventions are concentrated.

For Peace Dike, Executive Director of Virgin Heart Foundation, the consultation provided a clearer understanding of risks that organisations may overlook while carrying out legitimate development work.

She described the programme as an eye-opener and said the discussions had helped participants understand how weaknesses in organisational processes, funding procedures and due diligence could expose an NPO to risks associated with terrorist financing.

Another participant, Nelson Nnanna Nwafor, Executive Director of the Foundation for Environmental Rights, Advocacy and Development (FENRAD Nigeria), said the engagement was particularly important for grassroots organisations that may not have the technical capacity to fully understand emerging financial and operational risks.

“Many organisations are focused on delivering their programmes and solving problems in their communities,” Mr Nwafor said. “But this engagement reminds us that good intentions alone are not enough. An organisation must also understand its funding sources, maintain proper records and strengthen its internal processes.”

He added that an organisation could be engaged in legitimate development work but still become vulnerable where there are weaknesses in documentation, due diligence or monitoring of how funds and resources move.

Other members of the assessment and stakeholder team at the meeting included Hiddayatu Damji of the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit, Abuja; Abidemi Olukowaji of the International Fertilizer Development Center, Abuja; Nnenna Enyinnaya-Eneremadu, Executive Director of CARA Development Foundation; Uzoamaka Promise, Zonal Coordinator of the Special Control Unit Against Money Laundering; Muhammed Ibrahim; and Okechukwu Nwanguma, Executive Director of the Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre.

The South-East consultation is expected to feed into the wider national assessment and help authorities and the non-profit sector understand the specific risks facing organisations across the country.

For Nigeria's development and humanitarian sector, the challenge is not only to prevent the diversion of resources for criminal purposes but also to ensure that measures introduced to tackle terrorism financing do not unnecessarily restrict legitimate organisations working with vulnerable communities.

By Dorcas Achi

The Oteji Foundation for Substance Abuse Prevention and Awareness is set to be officially unveiled in Imo State on Saturday, November 14, 2026, at the Rock View Hotel, Owerri, as part of efforts to combat the rising cases of drug and substance abuse among young people. 

The event is expected to bring together critical stakeholders, government officials, traditional rulers, religious leaders, civil society groups, teachers, students and youth organizations to deliberate on the rising scourge of substance abuse and chart sustainable pathways to eradicate it from communities across the state and beyond.

Speaking to journalists in Owerri ahead of the unveiling, the Chairman of the Foundation, Barrister Oteji Ezera Agwu, a renowned legal practitioner specializing in Criminal and Civil Litigation, expressed worry over the alarming rate of drug abuse among Nigerian youths.

According to her, the establishment of the foundation was necessitated by first-hand experiences in the courtroom and in communities where substance abuse has fueled crime, violence, cultism, and the collapse of family values.

Her words, “The decision to start the Oteji Foundation for Substance Abuse Prevention and Awareness was born out of a deep concern about the growing problem of substance abuse in our society, particularly among young people,” 

“As a legal practitioner, I have had the opportunity to see, either directly or indirectly, how substance abuse contributes to the destruction of lives, families, and communities. I have encountered situations where young people who should ordinarily be building their future became involved in crime, violence, cultism, and other destructive activities, with substance abuse often playing a significant role in the background.”

She noted that prevention, awareness, public enlightenment, rehabilitation, counselling, support and advocacy will form the core pillars of the foundation’s work. 

Barr. Oteji emphasized that the fight against substance abuse cannot be won by government alone, stressing the need for a multi-sectoral approach that involves parents, schools, faith-based organizations, traditional institutions, and youth groups.

She extended an open invitation to stakeholders across Imo State and Nigeria to partner with the foundation.

“We are calling on government officials, religious bodies, traditional rulers, educators, and youth organizations to come into synergy with the Oteji Foundation. It will take all hands on deck to wage a decisive war against substance abuse and restore hope to our young people,” she said.

By Dorcas Achi, Founder Dorcas Foundation For Women And Girlchild 

The 9th Imo State House of Assembly had two credible female lawmakers who made laws, influenced implementation, and sponsored motions and bills that favored women. Most notable was the VAPP Law, the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Law which protects women from violence and guarantees certain rights within families and communities, including the right to inheritance.

 Hon. Ngozi Obiefule's tenure as House of Assembly Member for Isu constituency was marked by tangible empowerments, positive reforms and women emancipation. Hon. Uju Onwudiwe of Njaba Constituency delivered indelible results for women. She was a voice for women, a renowned advocate, a human rights defender, and a humanitarian of repute.

The two distinguished themselves with bold steps on women’s issues. Their contributions to quality service delivery, orientation, and legislative debates were highly valued in the various House Committees they served.

It is worthy to note that while in office, these women did not represent the interest of women alone.  

They represented the interest of their entire constituencies. Their impact cut across gender, age, and class. They led as women buy they served as legislators for all.

The current 10th Imo House of Assembly has no woman Lawmaker and it is obviously dwindling the voice of women in policy making. It is no coincidence that we are witnessing a high rate of domestic violence, rape, and abuse of women in the state.  

Worse still, a man currently heads the House Committee on Women Affairs and Gender Inclusion. While his effort may be sincere, the reality is this: no matter how hard he works, he cannot bring the same lived experience a woman would bring to that position.  

A woman and a man in the same role will almost certainly approach issues differently. Little wonder there is high rate of domestic violence, rape, abuse of women in Imo. 

A state without female lawmakers suffers from skewed policy priorities, an erosion of democratic legitimacy, and a failure to address critical issues like maternal health, child welfare, and gender-based violence effectively. When an entire demography is missing from the legislature, governance loses balance and perspective.

 Without women lawmakers, critical healthcare funding and protective policies for mothers and infants will receive lower priority. Social Protection Laws may not be discussed and achieved. Legislation addressing domestic abuse, child rights, and family welfare is less likely to be introduced or robustly funded. State budgets may overlook women-dominated micro-enterprises and informal work sectors.

 This is a gross imbalance considering women's numerical strength. Women have more numbers. They make up roughly half of society; excluding them means laws are made without the direct input of half the constituents.

States like Imo with zero female representation miss out on the unique experiences and perspectives women bring to governance. The absence of women in decision-making has real consequences for individuals, families, and entire communities. Women's exclusion in politics, make our laws to lose the balance that democracy requires. 

Female politicians still battle cultural stereotypes.  But women’s equal leadership in politics is not optional. it is the key to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030.  

The truth is, many women worldwide still lack basic rights and face discrimination and violence.  And our parliaments reflect that same inequality.

The important question to ask is why didn't any woman win a seat in the 2023 elections, leaving the 26-member 10th Imo State House of Assembly completely dominated by men. This outcome may have resulted from structural barriers, electoral outcomes, party primaries dynamics, and deep-rooted cultural/social barriers, family and financial hurdles that limit female candidates from winning competitive legislative elections in the state. 

What should be the solution? Should women form their own political parties, should women vote for their fellow women alone? These are discussions we must have.

But there is a more systemic solution gaining traction. The Reserved Seats Bill for Women is a topical issue.

Many civil society organisations and forward thinking individuals are backing "The reserve Seat Bill for women" which seeks to establish 37 reserved seats for women in the Senate, an equivalent allocation in the House of Representatives, and 3 seats in each House of Assembly. This model has worked  Going by the success of similar initiatives in Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya, where women have demonstrated exceptional governance capabilities. If the Reserved Seats Bill has yielded positive results in these countries, there's no reason why it cannot be replicated in Nigeria.

Rt. Hon. Jemma Nunu Kumba, the first female Speaker of South Sudan’s National Assembly, a country where women now occupy 33% of parliamentary seats had endorsed the Reserved Seats for Women Bill. She inspired many people by sharing her experiences of leading a nation that is rebuilding after years of conflict. There is no limit to what a woman in power can do. 

This is why there is a current push for constitutional reform. Stakeholders are advocating for an amendment to create special reserved seats for women, not to replace merit, but to bridge a gap created by decades of structural inequality. In that way there will be three extra seats for the House of Assembly, so that instead of having 27 lawmakers, there will be 30 lawmakers in a whole, making the three extra seats exclusively for women.

Let us be clear, women are capable of competing and winning. But age-long challenges continue to hinder full participation. Reserved seats will allow women to work, grow, and lead within their own pace, while proving their capacity to the electorate.

As we approach 2027, Imo must do better.  Imo need women representation.

We had it right in the 9th Assembly. We cannot afford to go backward in the 11th.  

The VAPP Law, empowerment programs, and advocacy on gender-based violence must not die because there is no woman at the table. Imo needs women lawmakers for balanced policies, for stronger democracy, for the safety and dignity of our mothers, sisters, and daughters.

Thankfully, Imo State is witnessing the emergence of rare-breed and credible women contesting for the Imo State House of Assembly from their various constituencies. They are women of capacity, character, and compassion.

 The likes of Hon. Edith Nwosu, the APP candidate for Nwangele Constituency. 

She is a woman of enterprise and empathy. The CEO of Sherwood Oil and Gas Limited, and the Founder of the Edith Nwosu Healthcare Foundation for Children.

She has taken medical interventions to the nooks and crannies of Nwangele Constituency, reaching the sick, the aged, and the vulnerable where government has not reached.

Through her Empowerment Club, she has lifted youths, women, and Small and Medium Enterprises in Nwangele and beyond. She does not just talk about development. She funds it. She drives it. She delivers it.

Barr. Vivian Otti, the PDP candidate for Oguta Constituency is also another woman who must be considered in 2027 elections. She is a legal luminary. A seasoned media veteran. A voice for justice.

Barr. Vivian Otti has distinguished herself in public service through her unwavering commitment to fairness, equity, and the rule of law.

In every public office she has held, she has made impact. She has also been a pillar of support to women, youths, and men, using her platforms to mentor, to empower, and to uplift lives.

She represents the new face of leadership: intelligent, bold, and people-centered.

Imo needs this kind of women for that positive change we are praying for.

By Dorcas Achi 

Voting, the first duty of democracy is currently doubted, neglected and even dismissed by average Nigerians. It is no more greeted with enthusiasm, hope and passion for positive change.

When patriotic Nigerians preach about voting, the quick response from majority is "Will our votes count?" Followed by "No need of voting because the result is already decided"

Formally, elections in Nigeria were anticipated, hoped for and utilized to bring about the choice of the majority. Political atmosphere changes during elections. Everywhere gets busy. The electorates suddenly feel important, relevant and needed because they are aware of the power they wield in deciding who occupies the corridors of power. Elections and voting were about the people's voice, choice and mandate.

 Electorate power centered on the citizen's ultimate authority through the ballot. Sovereignty belonged to the people, who held the power to choose, challenge, and remove their leaders.

Now the tides are shifting. The narrative is changing drastically. The power now does not ultimately belong to the people. The people can decide and INEC will redecide. The people can choose their leader and Judiciary will reselect. Institutions have commercialised our democracy. It is now survival of the fittest. 

Broken trust in INEC, the judiciary and the political class have created a crisis of confidence. People are no longer excited that another electioneering year is coming. This is because the change is no more in their hands to create absolutely. The trust in their capacity to cause a change is no more. The hope that they can enjoy true democracy is dwindling. They have lost the power to ask the powers that be whether they are the powers that ought to be.

The Nigerian vote died by a thousand compromise and a million electoral fraud. It died by several broken promises of transparency. The Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, assured Nigerians that technology is the cure, we believed, voted but were disappointed. Results fail to transmit in real time as promised. The judiciary contributed immensely to voter's apathy. Many now believe the courts deliver judgments, not justice. Before, court decisions can never be influenced by the "lords of the ring." It was rarely manipulated by power, money or personality. But can that be said now?

We have been taught harsh lessons, repeatedly, that in Nigeria today, power, money, and connection matter more than the ballot. These are the prime suspects that killed the Nigerian vote. 

Visualizing the memory lane. 2023 election came with zeal, passion and commitment to bettering Nigeria by disgruntled citizens who formed movements and forces to oppose bad leadership.

For the first time in a long while, hope was alive. Students left their hostels. Market women closed their shops. First-time voters queued for hours. People left Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt to travel back to their villages just to vote.

The killing of the Nigerian vote began a long time ago. It has been death by a thousand cuts, across generations. The first attack on our votes was during the first republic, barely 4 years after independence. The 1964 federal elections and 1965 Western Region elections were characterized by ballot box snatching, intimidation, and “Operation Wetie”, a period of extreme political violence in Western Nigeria where political opponents’ houses were set ablaze with petrol. That violence collapsed the First Republic and ushered in military rule.

The “mother of all rigging" followed suit in 1983 when the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) government was accused of allocating votes to itself across the country. Results were written before voting ended. The outrage was so massive that it triggered another military coup in December 1983.

Then came the June 12, 1993 Annulment

which was the closest Nigeria came to a free and credible election. MKO Abiola was clearly winning. Nigerians across ethnic and religious lines voted. Then the military annulled it. That single act taught a generation that even when you vote correctly, power can still cancel your choice.

After the Abiola experience, the Era of “Writing Results” emerged from 1999 to 2011. Under the Fourth Republic, rigging became industrialized. Underage voting became rampant in the North, ballot box snatching in the South-South, and “magic figures” appearing at collation centers.  

In 2007, even President Umaru Yar’Adua admitted: “We acknowledge that our elections were not perfect and had some shortcomings.” That confession remains the most honest statement by any Nigerian leader about our elections.

However, the introduction of card readers gave us glimmers of hope. We believed technology would end rigging. Unfortunately in 2023, technology disappointed us. BVAS and IReV were sold as the cure. The high and mighty voted. The ranks and files voted. My 56 years old uncle voted for the first time that year. People traveled across states to vote. Then results failed to transmit in real time. The gap between promise and reality broke that zeal, and believe in the possibility of achieving a better nation.

From 2023, the method changed from guns and fire to servers and “glitches” but the aim remained to make the people’s voice irrelevant.

We believed in BVAS. We believed in real-time transmission of results. We believed that with our PVCs, we could finally decide the future of this nation without godfathers deciding for us. We dared to hope for a new Nigeria. The energy being exhibited was apparent. People believed that the revolutionary change has finally come. 

But what followed broke that hope. The masses after trooping out to vote felt robbed and cheated. The wide gap between what was promised and what was delivered created a deep wound in the soul of our democracy. And now, when you talk about voting again, the response is not excitement. It is weariness. It is: “Why bother? My vote won’t count anyway.”

 The gradual erosion of a free society where everyone's right is respected, and majority opinion upheld has contributed to voter apathy. Institutions and constitution are weakened to be controlled. Loyalists are appointed to block accountability. Election rules are rewritten to discourage opposition. Government silences independent media operations. With all these happening how can our voting survive?. 

Patriotic Nigerians are still eager to vote. The masses who lack basic amenities, food, shelter and clothing are obviously dismayed by the gross leadership failure. Citizens who cannot sleep with their two eyes closed. People who cannot travel on roads with their hearts at peace. Making money and spending it now feels like an offence. Looking like a millionaire has become a crime because the society is unsafe. Nigerians passionately desire a change. We want a stable society. We want food on their table. We want to go out to hustle and return home safely. To achieve these we must vote.

We must not bury our franchise. We are still in a democratic dispensation. We still possess the right to determine who rules us. We must not give up on our country because of a few greedy leaders. We have the numerical strength. Apathy is the final blow. The moment we all stay home, we hand the country over to the very people we complain about. We surrender our future to the whims and caprices of a few.

Even though the system is flawed and INEC hasn't truly worked as an independent institution, we still don't have to retire. The judiciary must be reformed and seen to be truly independent. Democracy, as fragile as it is, only works when we show up.

Voting may not be a magic wand. But silence is a vote for the status quo. Silence means surrender. Surrendering for the same people to further impoverish our children and our future generations. Complaining at home, in the bar, in your office, or on social media will not change the abnormalities we lament about.

If the vote is dying, it is dying because we are refusing to defend it. We vote and run home. We vote and don't demand accountability. The ballot is still stronger than the bullet as asserted by Abraham Lincoln.

The only way to demand an autopsy (what killed our votes) and then a resurrection (How to make our votes count) is to keep showing up. From the polling unit, to the collation center, to holding our leaders accountable after elections. To keep demanding transparency. To keep documenting. To keep insisting that we must enjoy our democratic dividends. 

The Nigerian vote isn’t dead yet. But it will be, if we don’t show up to defend it.

One day, our votes will count. But that day will only come if we refuse to bury them ourselves. 

Arise Oh Compatriots!

Let's save Nigeria.

 Book Review 

Title: A NATION ON THE BRINK 

A HANDBOOK FOR NDIGBO 

 PAGES: 494

 PRINTERS: Psycom Publishing LTD

Author: UKAEGBU CHUKWNENYE N. 

REVIEWER: Ori Martins

The book, A NATION ON THE BRINK, is written in a simple English for all to read and comprehend without difficulties. The author employed all the elements of English, including lexis, structure, and syntax. In many pages of the book, he used simple narration and at the same time obeying fundamental grammar rules which pay much emphasis on technical accuracy, figures of speech as well as painting many chapters of the book with idiomatic expressions and poetic licence.

As the name of the book clearly suggested, it is all about the  enterprising beginning of the Igbo Nation in the larger context of Nigeria and her current dwindling fortunes. 

The author, Ukaegbu Chukwunenye N. was quite clear in his conclusion that the Igbo Nation is really on the brink of collapse. He lamented that unless urgent steps were taken, the South East would practically go under. 

He listed some factors militating against the progress, stability and development of the Igbo Nation. He noted that "Ala Igbo is in disarray and in serious need of our collective attention. We have neglected our homeland for too long in pursuit of greener pastures where we consider the grass to be more greener than it is at home. We have built business empires everywhere in the colonial enclave called Nigeria but have neglected the Igbo land. We turn forests into modern cities in other parts of the country but have allowed our home to become derelict and made the advice of our fathers - aku ruo ulo - a sad joke".  

In a most defining moment, Ukaegbu gave this structured piece of advice to Ndigbo: "Ndigbo must have a rethink; we need to pullback and rebuild our own nation like other groups have done. There is the need to learn how to live in a complex country like Nigeria and  do well as a people".  

There are 20 chapters in all, divided into Part One and Part Two. The introduction of the book is located on chapter one. Here, the author made efforts explaining the meaning of the word "brink". According to him, "Brink literally means the edge, or border of a steep slope or a river, or the extreme of a piece of land like the top of a cliff...

"Figuratively, the term connotes a difficult situation with a probability of success or failure as well as anxiety mingled with apprehension and fear. 

"But in some paradoxical way it connotes above all hope. In this connection, the word brink mirrors the human condition, especially the situation where people not contented or satisfied with their state of being, because the happenstances that befall them are contrary to their aspirations, normally yearn for a  change - a peaceful, legitimate change. When the change takes too long in coming and their difficult circumstances in form of oppression, exploitation, discrimination, or balkanization continues, they resort to the use of unconventional, illegitimate or violent modes to effect it". 

Taken together, Ukaegbu revealed that such circumstances usually make such a people to search for their freedom by joining liberation or irredentist movements. He gave the example of the South Africa's ANC and the IPOB in Nigeria. 

He argued that the situation of Ndigbo in the country since after the civil war had been a terrible one. He highlighted the various ways in which the successive governments at the centre have been maliciously treating Igbo wards and Igbo country ever since the war ended. 

As a possible way out, Ukaegbu pointed out that the ugly situation of Ndigbo was not a very good time for any Igbo person to play "a better politics than the other Nigerians". He gave the example of the Israelites who built a viable economy while in Egypt but left thier wealth when the place became hard and harsh. He said, "A nation on the brink is a nation on the cliff" therefore "This is the time to make the right  changes to give ourselves the needed stability".    

In chapter two with the headline THE JOURNEY, the author discussed the horrendous and horrific conditions of Ndigbo who live in the other parts of the country. He made known how despite the wonderful contributions of Ndigbo to the development of their hosts economy and physical growth, they are always targets of attack even unprovoked.

He wondered why even when Ndigbo at various times have indicated thier readiness to exit the country, Nigerian leaders and authorities have always turned it down. It was in chapter two that he preached the philosophy of "onye ayala nwanne ya" which he translated to mean "we should not leave our brothers and sisters behind". He introduced another Igbo proverb that says "anya bewe imi ebewe" which he interpreted to mean  "what affects one person will also affect the next". 

Down the chapter, the author decried the bad attitude of Igbo women and ladies who are actually not worse than their counterparts from the other parts of the country just that they are too loud even as they carry out their activities arrogantly. 

In view of the foregoing, Ukaegbu challenged Ndigbo - men, women and youths -  to have a sense of belonging rather than confronting those who are telling us to go home and develop Igbo Nation. 

He has a question for Igbo leaders and authorities: Why is it that there are no FUNCTIONAL international airport in the entire South East in spite of Igbo wards' contributions to Nigeria's trade and commerce? 

With a stunning quote from Abraham Maslow: "If you plan to be anything less than you are capable of being, you will probably be unhappy all the days of your life", Ukaegbu opened chapter three of his book. 

According to the author, " We have tried everything possible to be the people we are not in order to please other people but it has not worked for us. We copy their culture and traditions, speak their language, dress like them, eat their food and invest our resources in their land, yet they are not satisfied and still make unpleasant remarks about us. That is why we are unhappy in the Nigerian project. We have built other people's economies and developed their neighbourhoods hoping that they will like us for our contributions but they even hate us the more". 

Justifying the above view, he said, "Today, we  have proved Kurt Cobain right who also at one time said: " Wanting to be someone else is a waste of the person you are; I would rather be hated for who I am than loved for whom I am not". 

Certainly, this is a very true analysis of what the Igbo are in Nigeria of today. Not minding how Ndigbo are been treated disdainfully, Igbo wards still continue developing other tribes' areas while abandoning Igbo communities to rot and decay without adequate infrastructure or amenities.  

To underscore the fact that Nigeria can never be a nation, Ukaegbu recalled what the other leaders said about Nigeria. Sir Tafawa Balewa who later became the prime minister in 1960, noted that no matter what the British had been doing to make Nigeria look like one country, Nigerians themselves know they are not one. Chief Obafemi Awolowo enthused that "Nigeria is not a nation", insisting that it is a mere "geographical expression". It was only Zik who believed in one Nigeria.   

He went on to list the number of both Northern and Western leaders who live in the north and west so as to make their regions better. This is in contrast with Igbo leaders who live and reside in Abuja and Lagos and only return to Igbo Nation when there is a political or social event. This, he said, is at the root cause of Igbo problem. 

There is absolutely something very intriguing between man and his ancestors and that is the point Ukaegbu hammered home in chapter four as he advised Ndigbo to  maintain their ancestral connections. 

And in chapter five he cautioned Ndigbo to avoid the spirit of selfishness that promotes  individualism and individualism is the father of disunity. Instead, he urged Ndigbo to work together to achieve better results. 

For instance, he noted how the Yoruba rallied round MKO Abiola when he was arrested and sent to jail in the aftermath of the June 12,1993 crisis which was in contrast with the behaviour of Ndigbo when Mazi Nnamdi Kanu faced similar situation.

The Part Two of A NATION ON THE BRINK begins on page 125 and the first treatise is chapter seven which dwells on Our Culture. It highlighted the Igbo as a nation deeply rooted in culture and traditions with its supreme being as the Chi Ukwu Okike, the creator. 

Structurally deconstructing the way Ndigbo now created Eze Igbo in various places in Nigeria, Ukaegbu enthused thus: "Ndigbo must also realize that the creation of the Eze stool in various parts of Nigeria has made a mockery of our traditional institution such that they lost integrity and value". 

He equally mandated Igbo leaders to totally eliminate what he called alien cultures. He blamed the borrowed ethos on the adventurous spirit of the Igbo which makes an average Igbo to always explore other places outside Igbo for business and economic development.  

In the other chapters that constitute the greater compositions of the Part Two of the book, Ukaegbu reminded Ndigbo of whom they are - their auspicious beginning in the Nigerian project, their enterprising inclination in the  business world, their civil war revolution as well as their return to greatness with just 20 pounds.  He also challenged Igbo leaders on his worry of large chunk of Ndigbo raising their children outside Igbo land. This is of course why Igbo language and culture are in the decline. And this can get worse if not checkmated. 

From chapter 10, Ukaegbu talked about building a nation that works for every one,  and this can only be realized through a disciplined leadership. He disagreed with this concept in Igbo Nation where every Igbo leader is a politician because it is all about who gets what. "We take exception to the present situation whereby each candidate wants to show that he is the better person and would rather align with other tribes, including those who hate what we stand for as Ndigbo". 

As a matter of fact, Ukaegbu  made it clear that a time has come for the apex sociocultural body, Ohanaeze Ndigbo to be properly funded and guided. He noted that every Igbo person is a member of Ohanaeze Ndigbo and so all Igbo wards must contribute to the funding of this all important body. He put up the idea of compelling the lawmakers from the five South East states to pass a legislation to fund Ohanaeze Ndigbo from  their states budget. 

In his concluding chapter 20, Ukaegbu charged Igbo leaders to borrow a leaf from Isreal of today which has found a way to battle her challenges in spite of being surrounded by hostile neighbours. He noted that there are strong linkages between the Bible Israelites and the Igbo people of Nigeria.

Authors website..www.ukaegbucn.org

E-book outlet..Barnes and Noble

Akokwa in Ideato North LGA of Imo State is currently surrounded by controversy. Despite the heavy rains this morning, the courageous Umuada and Alutaradi Akokwa na Ohaigiri travelled from Akokwa to attend court and defend themselves against cases filed by HRH Eze Don Opurozor of Umuopia-Akokwa, HRH Eze Lambert Emechebe of Owerre-Akokwa, and HRH Eze Charles Biere of Umuezeaga-Akokwa.

The development has generated widespread concern among lawyers, litigants, court officials and Imolities within and around the State High Court, many of whom are reportedly questioning why traditional rulers would take legal action against their own Umuada and Alutaradi groups.

Observers have also raised questions about the role of Akokwa leaders, stakeholders, and community elders, wondering whether the issues in dispute could have been resolved through dialogue and internal mechanisms rather than litigation.

As the matter continues to attract public attention, many believe that Akokwa is being placed under unnecessary scrutiny. The situation is unfortunate and regrettable, particularly given the long-standing values of unity and communal harmony associated with the community.

There is growing appeal for the concerned traditional rulers to reconsider and withdraw the cases against Umuada and Alutaradi Akokwa na Ohaigiri in the interest of peace, reconciliation, and the preservation of Akokwa's image. 

When contacted some persons from Akokwa urged the concerned Ezes to follow the noble example of their fellow traditional ruler, HRH Eze Charles Ejezie of Akwu-Akokwa, who reportedly chose an amicable path by completely and unconditionally withdrawing a similar case filed with his name.

As it is today, Ezes Don Opurozor, Lambert Emechebe and Charles Biere are facing serious backlash from Imolities over legal battle against Umuada and Alutaradi na Ohaigiri.

It is hoped that all the parties and indeed entire good people of Akokwa na Ohaigiri will embrace dialogue and pursue a peaceful resolution that promotes unity, mutual respect, and the collective progress of Akokwa.

Otuokere Dorcas

Owerri

16/06/2026